The late Franco regime would have the National High Court as the executing arm and the Supreme Court as a containment dam for popular resources against the parasitic and corrupt political class established in any segment of power through the status of appraised (read cases Rato and Cifuentes), to Judges Lamela and Llarena as its most prominent pawns and Judge Marchena as High Priest of some courts that would be controlled by the so-called “clan of politicians” in the words of the former President of the Court of Justice, Ramón Trillo, standing out the President of the Criminal Chamber of the National Court, Concepción Espejel, decorated in its day by the President of the PP of Castilla la Mancha, María Dolores de Cospedal).
Regarding the case of the procés, the Supreme Court judge Llarena would be responsible for ordering the unconditional imprisonment of Vice President Oriol Junqueras, the Jordis and the former ministers of the Generalitat for alleged crimes of sedition. In this context, Amnesty International’s annual report on freedoms in Spain clearly certified “the autocratic drift” of the Spanish State after verifying “attacks on the right to peaceful assembly, both in the legislative field and in police practice (excessive use of force on October 1 in Catalonia” as well as “the excessive and disproportionate provisional detention of Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart”. Likewise, the procés macro-trial would be stigmatized by the use of the so-called Lawfare or Judicial War, understood as the “abuse of legal and international procedures to provoke a popular rejection against an opponent while maintaining an appearance of legality”. Thus, we would be talking about violations of the rules of the criminal process such as the lack of impartiality of the Jury, the violation of the principle of proportionality, not respecting the political immunity of elected officials as well as creating defenselessness, assumptions in which there could be incur Judgment in the macro trial against the leaders of the Catalan procés and that will inevitably end in the European Court of Strasbourg.
Halfway through his legislature, Pedro Sánchez would have woken up with an unexpected black swan that could have ended his days of wine and roses in Moncloa. The term “black swan” designates an unexpected and unpredictable event that produces consequences on a large scale and that can only be explained a posteriori and in the case of Sánchez, that black swan would have taken the form of a secret espionage plot to unseat him from power. , the so-called Catalangate. Thus, according to the Citizen Lab entity based in Toronto (Canada), Pere Aragonés and 62 Catalan and Basque independentistas would have seen their mobile conversations hacked in 2019 using the Pegasus software from the Israeli company NSO Group, a program that according to the newspaper the Country, would have been bought by the CNI for 6 million dollars, so everything would point to the Secret Services as being responsible for said espionage.
This has caused the freezing of ERC relations with the Government until “the central government assumes responsibilities to the last consequences” in the words of President Pere Aragonés and coupled with the disaffection of United We Can after Pedro Sánchez’s personal decision to increase his contribution to NATO of up to 2%, (which will mean including in the State Budget for 2023 an additional item estimated at €10,000 million), could cause Sánchez to become an orphan of the parliamentary support of United We Can in addition to the peripheral Basque groups and Catalans for the preparation of the new Budgets and being forced to call early elections in the fall, with the victory of the new CEDA represented by PP and Vox being foreseeable (after absorbing the wreckage of Ciudadanos).
Likewise, in the event that the new CEDA, represented by PP and Vox, wins the elections, we will witness the establishment of a new Autonomous Doctrine that would consist of the implementation of a State based on the sui generis “coffee for all” and that will be a missile in the waterline of the survival of the differentiated Basque and Navarrese regional regimes and their self-management capacity. This will mean “de facto” emptying of content the legislative powers of the Basque-Navarrese Foral Parliaments, restrictive measures that could turn both the Basque Country and Navarra into devalued self-governments, corseted and subject to the dictates of the Central Government or Constitutional Court on duty, which could lead to the opening of the Northern Front against the centralist regression of the Government of Madrid.For its part, the Catalan Government, faced with the legal impossibility of holding a Referendum on the Self-determination of Catalonia, will reissue the pulse with the central State with the declaration of the DUI (Unilateral Declaration of Independence) and will await the subsequent implementation by the Central Government of the 155 that would make him appear before the eyes of the world as a victim of the Spanish totalitarian state.