Are there political prisoners in Spain?

The establishment of the Spanish State would be made up of the financial-business, political, judicial, military, Catholic hierarchy, university and mass media elites of the Spanish State, natural heirs to the legacy of General Franco who would have engulfed all decision-making spheres (as it follows from reading the book “Financial Oligarchy and Political Power in Spain” written by ex-banker Manuel Puerto Ducet). Said pressure lobbies would be interconnected by “a restless alliance based on their community of economic interests and amalgamated by the extreme defense of the Regime of 78 and the indissoluble unity of Spain”, although they would only be satellites orbiting in the gravity sphere of the Opus Dei, an Alpha elite that would have engulfed all the establishment’s sub-elites and would have turned the Spanish State into a dystopia of a real nature (not fictitious).

Likewise, there would have been a totalitarian drift that would have already made the Spanish pseudo-democracy hostage to the establishment and that would have as its ultimate objective the implementation of the “Late Francoist State”, a political anachronism that would draw from the sources of Bonapartist centralism and the paternalism of soft dictatorships. and that reached the paroxysm with the implementation of a soft coup in Catalonia after the de facto suspension of Catalan Autonomy through the application of 155 and the imprisonment of Oriol Junqueras, the Jordis and other ex-consellers. Said late-Franco crusade would have the National High Court as the executing arm and the Supreme Court as a dam to contain popular resources against the parasitic and corrupt political class established in any segment of power through the status of gauged, courts that would be controlled by the so-called “ clan of politicians ”in the words of the ex-President of the TS Chamber, Ramón Trillo. Likewise, freedom of expression in Spain is dying before the new repressive offensive of the National Court that will constrain freedom of expression to the point of paroxysm through the systematic imposition of stratospheric fines and whose penultimate episode would be rapper Pablo Hasel’s next entry into prison for alleged “Crimes of exalting terrorism and insults to the Crown and the Institutions.”

Are there political prisoners in Spain?

The definition of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (resolution 1,900) states that “political prisoners will be considered to exist in the event that“ for political reasons, the length of detention or its conditions are manifestly disproportionate to the crime of that the person has been found guilty or suspected ”, assumptions that could be extrapolated to the case of the 7 young people from Alsasua, the political leaders of the Catalan process and the young rapper Pablo Hasel. In the Altsasu case, the 7 young people were sentenced to sentences ranging from 2 to 13 years for a hate crime and injuries (3 of them have already been in unconditional prison for more than 2 years), without a final sentence and with total absence of legal security as part of the arguments of his defense attorneys were rejected by the State Prosecutor’s Office, whose first mission is “to ensure the legal security of the citizens of Spain.”

In contrast, the order signed by the 2nd Chamber of the Audiencia of Navarra in which it resolved to free the 5 members of the Pack (sentenced to 9 years in prison and without a final sentence) by arguing that “what in no case can be prosecuted with provisional imprisonment are punitive purposes or anticipation of the penalty with the mitigating effect of having spent in provisional prison about 2 years “and concludes with” the application of the principle “favor libertatis” (in favor of freedom) that ” it impels the choice and application of the least restrictive rule of liberty ”, which is a clear offense compared to the Altsasu case. Regarding the case of the procés, the judge of the Supreme Llarena would be responsible for ordering the unconditional entry into prison of Vice President Oriol Junqueras, the Jordis and the ex-consellers of the Generalitat for the alleged crime of rebellion that could lead to stratospheric penalties. In this context, Amnesty International’s annual report on freedoms in Spain has once again raised blisters in the establishment of the Spanish State by clearly certifying “the autocratic drift” of the Spanish State after verifying “attacks on the right to peaceful assembly, both in the legislative sphere as well as in police practice (excessive use of force on October 1 in Catalonia) ”as well as“ the excessive and disproportionate provisional imprisonment of Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart ”.

In the case of rapper Hasel, his imprisonment would be motivated by 3 articles of the current Penal Code that have repeatedly been denounced by the UN and the European Union as “constrictors of freedom of expression”, but the massive popular response in the State Thus, international campaigns such as that of Amnesty International to denounce the legal asymmetry between the Hasel case and the disputes of the Emeritus, could force the application by the Government of a pardon to Pablo Hasel and the subsequent repeal of articles 578 and 491 of the Code Criminal related to the crimes of exaltation of terrorism and insults to the Crown, facts that will mark a milestone in the defense of the agonizing freedom of expression of the Spanish sui generis democracy.

To understand the sentence against the young people of Altsasu, the imprisoned Catalan leaders and Pablo Hasel, it would be necessary to resort to the Aznar Doctrine, which would have the ultimate objective “to criminalize groups and entities that are unruly and refractory to the message of the dominant establishment of the Spanish State.” All of this would be constituent elements of the so-called “negative perfection”, a term used by the novelist Martín Amis to designate “the obscene justification of the use of extreme, massive and premeditated cruelty by a supposed ideal state”, which would represent an authentic exercise of “Legal terrorism” that have generated a wide reaction of popular and institutional rejection with long-term judicial processes that will inevitably end in the European Court in Strasbourg.

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Germán Gorráiz López

Germán Gorráiz López is a political analyst writing on economic and geopolitical issues. His articles appear in a number of publications in Europe and the United States.

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